New 'washington post' chiefs can't shake their past in london

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In five short months, new _Washington Post _chief executive and publisher Will Lewis has seeded the senior ranks of the paper's management with at least five former close colleagues.


The most recent is Robert Winnett, who worked with Lewis at two papers in the U.K. and is to start as the top editor over the _Post_'s core newsroom after the November elections.


Winnett is the deputy editor of the Telegraph Media Group in Britain. A vast chasm divides common practices in the fiercely competitive confines of British journalism, where Lewis and


Winnett made their mark, and what passes muster in the American news media. In several instances, their alleged conduct would raise red flags at major U.S. outlets, including _The Washington


Post_. Among the episodes: a six-figure payment for a major scoop; planting a junior reporter in a government job to secure secret documents; and relying on a private investigator who used


subterfuge to secure private documents from their computers and phones. The investigator was later arrested. On Saturday evening, _The New York Times_ disclosed a specific instance in which


a former reporter implicated both Lewis and Winnett in reporting that he believed relied on documents that were fraudulently obtained by a private investigator. Lewis did not respond to


detailed and repeated requests for comment from NPR for this article. Winnett also did not reply to specific queries sent directly to him and through the Telegraph Media Group. The stakes


are high. _Post _journalists ask what values Lewis and Winnett will import to the paper, renowned for its coverage of the Nixon-era Watergate scandals and for holding the most powerful


figures in American life to account in the generations since. "U.K. journalism often operates at a faster pace and it plays more fast and loose around the edges," says Emily Bell,


former media reporter and director of digital content for the British daily _The Guardian_. A NEW PUBLISHER'S IRE Allegations in court that Lewis sought to cover up a wide-ranging phone


hacking scandal more than a dozen years ago at Rupert Murdoch's British newspapers are proving to be a flashpoint for the new _Post _publisher. On at least four occasions since being


named to lead the _Post _last fall, Lewis tried to head off unwelcome scrutiny from _Post_ journalists — and from NPR. In December, before he started the job, Lewis intensely pressured me


not to report on the accusations, which arose in British suits against Murdoch's newspapers in the U.K. He also repeatedly offered me an exclusive interview on his business plans for


the _Post_ if I dropped the story. I did not. The ensuing NPR piece offered the first detailed reports on new material underlying allegations from Prince Harry and others. Immediately after


that article ran, Lewis told then-Executive Editor Sally Buzbee it was not newsworthy and that her teams should not follow it, according to a person with contemporaneous knowledge. That


intervention is being reported here for the first time. The _Post _did not run a story. Lewis has denied the hacking coverup claims and is not a defendant in the lawsuits. Nor is he being


criminally prosecuted. Lewis has said he acted to ensure people who were hacked by Murdoch's papers were compensated. As previously reported, on separate occasions in March and May,


Lewis angrily pressured Buzbee to ignore the story as further developments unfolded in court. In May, for example, a British judge allowed plaintiffs to investigate Lewis' role more


deeply as part of their suits against the Murdoch newspapers. Lewis told her it represented a lapse in judgment to allow _Post _reporters to pursue it. Her abrupt departure was announced a


few weeks after the _Post_ published an extensive piece on the allegations involving Lewis. While Buzbee's ouster largely stemmed from her rejection of a diminished role under a


restructuring by Lewis, some of her former colleagues say they fear it was influenced by her intent to report on the allegations against him. Lewis denied pressuring Buzbee, though he did


not deny what he said to me. Instead, he told _Post_ reporters that I am "an activist, not a journalist." A spokesperson for the _Post_ issued this statement: "_The Washington


Post_ sets and models the highest ethical standards in journalism to which every _Post _employee is expected to adhere." This story is based on interviews with 10 current and former


_Post_ journalists, five British journalists, a review of documents cited in court in London and other public records and accounts. They asked not to be named given the sensitivity of the


moment. A JOURNALISTIC SPY IN THE HIGHEST CORRIDORS OF POWER Two decades ago, Will Lewis and Rob Winnett worked together at _The Sunday Times, _which is part of the Murdoch empire. Lewis was


the business editor and Winnett wrote on business and politics. On Saturday evening, _The New York Times_ disclosed two instances in which a former reporter for _The Sunday Times_ said


Lewis commissioned articles based on records that were allegedly fraudulently obtained. On one of those stories, the byline belonged to Winnett. (News UK, Murdoch's British publishing


arm, declined to comment to NPR.) A year later, Winnett handled a junior reporter operating under unusual circumstances for _The Sunday Times_, according to the book _Flat Earth News_ by the


renowned British investigative reporter Nick Davies. The reporter, Claire Newell, went to work for a temporary secretarial service and was placed inside the U.K. government Cabinet Office,


which directly serves the prime minister. _The Sunday Times_ subsequently broke a series of often staggering stories based on the confidential documents Newell provided. Then-Prime Minister


Tony Blair demanded an investigation. Scotland Yard arrested and questioned Newell. As Davies noted, "She was feeding back a succession of officially secret documents, any one of which


could have landed her in jail if the government had chosen to prosecute Murdoch's paper." Authorities did not prosecute anyone involved. (Newell, now the investigations editor at


_The Telegraph_ under Winnett, did not reply to efforts seeking comment.) AN ARREST OF A NEWSPAPER'S PRIVATE EYE In 2006, Lewis was named to lead _The Daily Telegraph_, a conservative


newspaper closely allied with the Tory party there. He became the youngest editor in its history and hired Winnett, who according to the rival _Independent_, was "known affectionately


by colleagues as 'rat boy' for his scoop-sniffing cunning." Winnett brought Lewis an exclusive detailing the lavish expenses charged to taxpayers by British members of


Parliament from all three major parties. The front-page stories generated reforms and resignations. Both men won awards. Winnett's exclusive came with a price tag: Lewis had to approve


a 110,000-pound payment to acquire a stolen government database yielding the evidence, another editor revealed. That would be barred under ethics codes at leading U.S. news organizations,


such as _The New York Times_, NPR and _The Washington Post_ itself. In 2010, at _The Sunday Times, _Newell hired a private investigator named John Ford to secure a copy of Blair's


memoir ahead of its release. Ford was the same investigator named in the_ New York Times _piece. Police arrested and questioned Ford over his acts accessing people's devices and


securing their personal material in pursuit of the story. Ford later wrote and said that he had been committing illegal acts on behalf of _The Sunday Times_ since the mid 1990s — "phone


interceptions, bank interceptions." The newspaper has previously said it did not hack into any phones but that misrepresentation to acquire documents is not always illegal in the U.K.


A "CLEAN-UP CAMPAIGNER" ACCUSED OF A COVERUP By 2010, Lewis had returned to Murdoch's fold. He became general manager of the British newspaper arm under Rebekah Brooks, a


former tabloid newspaper turned chief executive. As allegations of illegality at their tabloids burbled up, Murdoch and his son James named Lewis to a small corporate task force to help the


parent company handle the mess. The allegations included hacking into voicemails and emails, and the illegal procurement of financial and medical records as the tabloids pursued stories


about members of the royal family, sports stars, Hollywood actors, singers, politicians and other celebrities. An outrage followed Davies' revelation that crime victims, including a


murdered 13-year-old girl, and war dead were among the targets. Other newspapers came under fire for similar tactics. But the scale at the Murdoch press was vast and unrivaled. It has paid


an estimated $1.5 billion to the targets of such illegal actions. Lewis was publicly described as the point person working to ensure full compliance with police. _The Guardian_ went so far


as to call him Murdoch's "clean-up campaigner." Lewis now stands accused in court of helping to engineer a cover-up, green-lighting the destruction of tens of millions of


emails, hiding Rebekah Brooks' computers, and inventing the claim that former Prime Minister Gordon Brown was seeking to illegally obtain documents from her devices. Brown is now


calling for a formal police investigation. Lewis has denied impropriety but will not address specifics. In 2010, Ford later alleged, Winnett helped Lewis to defend the investigator from


legal consequences of his actions for _The Sunday Times_, even though Winnett was by that point at the rival _Telegraph_. Ford wrote that he concluded that they were using him as a buffer to


protect editors. "Robert Winnett ... was intimately involved with the arrangement of my legal defence," Ford wrote years later in _Byline Investigates_. Ford said Winnett told him


that there had been "high-level negotiations" with police to get him off: "Despite having been poached by _The Telegraph_ while I was on bail, he remained in close contact


with his friend Will Lewis." Ford said he received only a formal caution from police. Through an associate, Ford affirmed this account to NPR but did not comment further. He told the


BBC that he had targeted 15 to 20 Labour Cabinet ministers for _The Sunday Times_, including Prime Ministers Blair and Brown_. _ SUBTERFUGE TO SIDELINE A CRITIC Among those currently suing


News UK is former Business Minister Vince Cable. In 2010, Cable was to review Murdoch's $15 billion bid to take over the British satellite giant Sky; the Murdochs already controlled


about 40% of it. Conservative PM David Cameron, who had been backed by the Murdochs, led the government; Cable belonged to the minority partner Liberal Democrats. In a private meeting, Cable


told two young women whom he believed to be constituents that he was "declaring war" on Murdoch. The two women were undercover reporters for _The Telegraph _and had taped the


encounter_. _While it mined the video for other embarrassing headlines, the paper left out any mention of the Murdochs or the Sky takeover deal, which the _Telegraph's _owners opposed.


Instead, the BBC revealed the video, sparking a firestorm that sidelined Cable. Another minister who was a friend of James Murdoch was assigned to review the deal. The BBC reporter who broke


the story, Rob Peston, is a friend of Lewis. Winnett was a lead reporter on the _Telegraph_ coverage of Cable. And Lewis hired two _Telegraph _IT staffers at News UK shortly after the story


landed. An investigative report by Kroll International in 2011, disclosed by Reuters, concluded that Lewis had likely been central to "orchestrating" the leak to the BBC, along


with one of the tech staffers. The firm said it could not be absolutely certain. In 2012, the lead counsel of a formal judicial inquiry into press abuses asked Lewis whether he helped leak


the video of Cable. Lewis declined to answer, citing journalists' obligation to protect their sources, though Lewis would have been the source, not the reporter. (Peston has not


commented.) In 2012, Lewis became an executive at parent company News Corp. He was named in 2014 to be publisher of Murdoch's _Wall Street Journal_ and chief executive of Dow Jones,


which he led until 2020. RELYING ON OLD FRIENDS TO PLOT THE FUTURE The _Post_ lost $77 million last year and about half of its digital audience since 2020. Lewis helped put Murdoch's


_Wall Street Journal _on a course to strong digital subscriptions. Owner Jeff Bezos named Lewis last year to put the paper back on track. Since taking over, Lewis has surrounded himself with


close colleagues from Murdoch days on both sides of the Atlantic. At the _Journal_, Lewis elevated veteran editor Matt Murray to become editor in chief. At the _Post_, Lewis tapped him


anew. Murray will oversee the core newsroom until November and then lead a new _Post_ news unit focused on innovative content and revenue streams. The chief growth officer, Karl Wells,


worked for Lewis at the _Journal_ and at Murdoch's British tabloid, _The Sun_. The _Post_ CEO's director of communications, Elsa Makouezi, and his chief of staff, Eleanor Breen,


worked with him at the _Journal_ and at his startup. They're both based in London. Emily Bell says Lewis may be finding it hard to adapt to American values, despite his time at _The


Wall Street Journal_ — noting his patron there, Murdoch, was born in Australia and trained in Britain. In the U.K., Bell says, newspapers are largely national in scope and engage in a


ferocious battle for paying readers, advertisers and influence. Murdoch is among the most combative. "In Britain, there are much more incestuous relationships, with much greater


alignment of power rather than a genuine interest in actually holding power to account," Bell says. "And I think, if you bring that to _The Washington Post_, then I think


you're going to see a lot of damage." Copyright 2025 NPR